Here is an interesting story about a lesson learned on this very subject by none other that Representative Davy Crockett.
In the House of Representatives
Wednesday, May 1, 1991
A CONSTITUTIONAL LESSON FROM DAVY CROCKETT
HON. PHILIP M. CRANE OF ILLINOIS
EVERY CONGRESSMAN NEEDS DAVY CROCKETT'S
GREAT SPEECH AGAINST THE WELFARE STATE
One day in the House of Representatives, a bill was brought
up to appropriate money for the benefit of the widow of a
distinguished naval officer. Several beautiful speeches had
been made in its support. The Speaker was just about to put
the question to a vote when Colonel David Crockett arose:
"Mr. Speaker, I have as much respect for the memory of the
deceased, and as much sympathy for the sufferings of the
living, as any man in this House. But we must not permit
our respect for the dead or our sympathy for a part of the
living to lead us into an act of injustice to the balance of the
living. I will not go into an argument to prove that Congress
has no power to appropriate this money as an act of charity.
Every member upon this floor knows it.
"We have the right, as individuals, to give away as much of
our own money as we please in charity; but as members of
Congress we have no right to so appropriate a dollar of the
public money. Some eloquent appeals have been made to us
upon the ground that it is a debt due the deceased. Mr.
Speaker, the deceased lived long after the close of the war;
he was in office to the day of his death, and I have never
heard that the government was in arrears to him.
"Every man in this House knows it is not a debt. We cannot,
without the grossest corruption, appropriate this money as
the payment of a debt. We have not the semblance of
authority to appropriate it as a charity. Mr. Speaker, I have
said we have the right to give as much money of our own as
we please. I am the poorest man on this floor. I cannot vote
for this bill, but I will give one week's pay to the object, and
if every member of Congress will do the same, it will
amount to more than the bills asks."
He took his seat. Nobody replied. The bill was put upon its
passage and, instead of passing unanimously, as was
generally supposed and as, no doubt, it would but for that
speech, it received but few votes and was lost.
Later, when asked by a friend why he had opposed the
appropriation, Crockett gave this explanation:
"Several years ago I was one evening standing on the steps
of the Capitol with some other members of Congress, when
our attention was attracted by a great light over in
Georgetown. It was evidently a large fire. We jumped into a
hack and drove over as fast as we could. In spite of all that
could be done, many houses were burned and many
families made homeless and, besides, some of them had lost
all but the clothes they had on.
"The weather was very cold and, when I saw so many
women and children suffering, I felt that something ought to
be done for them. The next morning a bill was introduced,
appropriating $20,000 for their relief. We put aside all other
business and rushed it through as soon as it could be done.
"The next summer, when it began to be time to think about
the election, I concluded I would take a scout around among
the boys of my district. I had no opposition there but, as the
election was some time off, I did not know what might turn
up. When riding one day in a part of my district in which I
was more of a stranger than in any other, I saw a man in a
field plowing and coming toward the road.
"I gauged my gait so that we should meet as he came to the
fence. As he came up, I spoke to the man. He replied
politely, but, as I thought, rather coldly.
"I began: 'Well, friend, I am one of those unfortunate beings
called candidates, and--'
" 'Yes, I know you; you are Colonel Crockett. I have seen you
once before, and voted for you the last time you were
elected. I suppose you are out electioneering now, but you
had better not waste your time or mine. I shall not vote for
you again.'
"This was a sockdolager. . . . I begged him to tell me what
was the matter.
" 'Well, Colonel, it is hardly worthwhile to waste time or
words upon it. I do not see how it can be mended, but you
gave a vote last winter which shows that either you have not
the capacity to understand the Constitution, or that you are
wanting in the honesty and firmness to be guided by it. In
either case, you are not the man to represent me. But I beg
your pardon for expressing it in that way. I did not intend to
avail myself of the privilege of the constituent to speak
plainly to a candidate for the purpose of insulting or
wounding you. I intend by it only to say that your
understanding of the Constitution is very different from
mine.
" 'I will say to you what, but for my rudeness I should not
have said, that I believe you to be honest. But an
understanding of the Constitution different from mine I
cannot overlook, because the Constitution, to be worth
anything, must be held sacred, and rigidly observed in all its
provisions. The man who wields power and misinterprets it
is the more dangerous the more honest he is.'
"I said, 'I admit the truth of all you say, but there must be
some mistake about it, for I do not remember that I gave any
vote last winter upon any Constitutional question.'
" 'No, Colonel, there's no mistake. Though I live here in the
backwoods and seldom go from home, I take the papers
from Washington and read very carefully all proceedings of
Congress. My papers say that last winter you voted for a bill
to appropriate $20,000 to some sufferers by a fire in
Georgetown. Is that true?"
" 'Well, my friend, I may as well own up. You have got me
there. But certainly nobody will complain that a great and
rich country like ours should give the insignificant sum of
$20,000 to relieve its suffering women and children,
particularly with a full and overflowing treasury, and I am
sure, if you had been there, you would have done just as I
did.'
" 'It is not the amount, Colonel, that I complain of; it is the
principle. In the first place, the government ought to have in
the treasury no more money than enough for its legitimate
purposes. But that has nothing to do with the question. The
power of collecting and disbursing money at pleasure is the
most dangerous power that can be intrusted to man,
particularly under our system of collecting revenue by a
tariff, which reaches every man in the country, no matter
how poor he may be, and the poorer he is the more he pays
in proportion to his means.
" 'What is worse, it presses upon him without his knowledge
where the weight centers, for there is not a man in the
United States who can ever guess how many thousands are
worse off than he. If you had the right to give anything, the
amount was simply a matter of discretion with you, and you
had as much right to give $20,000,000 as $20,000.
" 'If you have the right to give to one, you have the right to
give to all; and, as the Constitution neither defines charity
nor stipulates the amount, you are at liberty to give to any
and everything which you may believe, or profess to believe,
is a charity, and to any amount you may think proper. You
will very easily perceive what a wide door this would open
for fraud and corruption and favoritism, on the one hand,
and for robbing the people on the other.
" 'No, Colonel, Congress has no right to give charity.
Individual members may give as much of their own money
as they please, but they have no right to touch a dollar of the
public money for that purpose. If twice as many houses had
been burned in this county as in Georgetown, neither you
nor any other member of Congress would have thought of
appropriating a dollar for our relief. There are about two
hundred and forty members of Congress. If they had shown
their sympathy for the sufferers by contributing each one
week's pay, it would have made over $13,000. There are
plenty of wealthy men in and around Washington who
could have given $20,000 without depriving themselves of
even a luxury of life.
" 'The Congressmen chose to keep their own money which,
if reports be true, some of them spend not very creditably;
and the people of Washington, no doubt, applauded you for
relieving them from the necessity of giving by giving what
was not yours to give. The people have delegated to
Congress, by the Constitution, the power to do certain
things. To do these, it is authorized to collect and pay
moneys, and for nothing else. Everything beyond this is
stipulation, and a violation of the Constitution.
" 'So you see, Colonel, you have violated the Constitution in
what I consider a vital point. It is a precedent fraught with
danger to the country, for when Congress once begins to
stretch its power beyond the limits of the Constitution, there
is no limit to it, and no security for the people. I have no
doubt you acted honestly, but that does not make it any
better, except as far as you are personally concerned, and
you see that I cannot vote for you.'
"NOT YOURS TO GIVE"
"I tell you, I felt streaked. I saw if I should have opposition,
and this man should go to talking, he would set others to
talking, and in that district I was a gone fawn-skin. I could
not answer him, and the fact is I was so fully convinced that
he was right, I did not want to. But I must satisfy him, and I
said to him:
" 'Well, my friend, you hit the nail upon the head when you
said I had not sense enough to understand the Constitution.
I intended to be guided by it, and thought I had studied it
fully. I have heard many speeches in Congress about the
powers of Congress, but what you have said here at your
plow has got more hard, sound sense in it than all the fine
speeches I ever heard.
" 'If I had ever taken the view of it that you have, I would
have put my head into the fire before I would have given
that vote; and if you will forgive me and vote for me again, if
I ever vote for another unconstitutional law I wish I may be
shot.'
"He laughingly replied: 'Yes, Colonel, you have sworn to
that once before, but I will trust you again on one condition.
You say that you are convinced that your vote was wrong.
Your acknowledgment of it will do more good than beating
you for it. If, as you go around the district, you will tell
people about this vote, and that you are satisfied it was
wrong, I will not only vote for you, but will do what I can to
keep down opposition, and, perhaps, I may exert some little
influence in that way.'
" 'If I don't,' said I, 'I wish I may be shot; and, to convince you
that I am in earnest in what I say, I will come back this way
in a week or ten days, and if you will get up a gathering of
the people, I will make a speech to them. Get up a barbecue,
and I will pay for it.'
" 'No, Colonel, we are not rich people in this section, but we
have plenty of provisions to contribute for a barbecue, and
some to spare for those who have none. The push of crops
will be over in a few days, and we can then afford a day for
a barbecue. This is Thursday; I will see to getting it up on
Saturday week. Come to my house on Friday, and we will
go together, and I promise you a very respectable crowd to
see and hear you.'
" 'Well, I will be here. But, one thing more before I say
goodbye. I must know your name.'
" 'My name is Bunce.'
" 'Well, Mr. Bunce, I never saw you before, though you say
you have seen me, but I know you very well. I am glad I
have met you, and very proud that I may hope to have you
for my friend.
"It was one of the luckiest hits of my life that I met him. He
mingled but little with the public, but was widely known for
his remarkable intelligence and incorruptible integrity, and
for a heart brimful and running over with kindness and
benevolence, which showed themselves not only in words,
but in act. He was the oracle of the whole country around
him, and his fame had extended far beyond the circle of his
immediate acquaintances.
"Though I had never met him before, I had heard of him,
and but for this meeting it is very likely I should have had
opposition and been beaten. One thing is certain, no man
could now stand up in that district under such a vote.
"At the appointed time I was at his house, having told our
conversation to every crowd I had met, and to every man I
stayed all night with, and I found that it gave the people an
interest and a confidence in me stronger than I had ever seen
manifested before.
"Though I was considerably fatigued when I reached his
house, and under ordinary circumstances, should have gone
early to bed, I kept him up until midnight, talking about the
principles and affairs of government, and got more true
knowledge of them than I had got all my life before.
"I have known and seen much of him since, for I respect
him-no, that is not the word-I reverence and love him more
than any living man. I got to see him two or three times
every year; and I will tell you, sir, if everyone who professes
to be a Christian lived and acted and enjoyed it as he does,
the religion of Christ would take the world by storm.
"But to return to my story. The next morning we went to the
barbecue and, to my surprise, found about a thousand men
there. I met a good many whom I have not known before,
and they and my friend introduced me around until I had
got pretty well acquainted-at least, they all knew me.
"In due time notice was given that I would speak to them.
They gathered up around a stand that had been erected. I
opened my speech by saying:
" 'Fellow citizens, I present myself before you today feeling
like a new man. My eyes have lately been opened to truths
which ignorance or prejudice, or both, had heretofore
hidden from my view. I feel that I can today offer you the
ability to render you more valuable service than I have ever
been able to render before. I am here today more for the
purpose of acknowledging my error than to seek your votes.
That I should make this acknowledgment is due to my self
as well as to you. Whether you will vote for me is a matter
for your consideration.'
"I went on to tell them about the fire and my vote for the
appropriation and then told them that I was satisfied it was
wrong. I closed by saying:
" 'And now, it remains for me to tell you that the most of the
speech you have listened to with so much interest was
simply a repetition of the arguments which your neighbor,
Mr. Bunce, convinced me of my error.
" 'It is the best speech I ever made in my life, but he is
entitled to credit for it. And now I hope he is satisfied with
this convert and that he will get up here and tell you so.'
"He came up on the stand and said:
" 'Fellow citizens, it affords me great pleasure to comply
with the request of Colonel Crockett. I have always
considered him a thoroughly honest man, and I am satisfied
that he will faithfully perform all that he has promised you
today.'
"He went down, and there went up from the crowd such a
shout for Davy Crockett as his name never called forth
before.
"I am not much given to tears, but I was taken with a
choking then and felt some drops rolling down my cheeks. I
tell you, the remembrance of those few words spoken by
such a man, and the honest, hearty shout they produced, is
worth more to me than all the honors I have received and all
the reputation I have made as a member of Congress.
"Now, sir," concluded Crockett, "you know why I made that
speech yesterday.
"There is one thing to which I will call your attention. You
remember that I proposed to give a week's pay. There are in
that House many very wealthy men- men who think
nothing of spending a week's pay for a dinner or a wine
party when they have something to accomplish by it. Some
of those same men made beautiful speeches upon the great
debt of gratitude owed the deceased-a debt which could not
be paid by money-and the insignificance and worthlessness
of money, particularly so insignificant a sum as $10,000,
when weighted against the honor of the nation. Yet not one
of them responded to my proposition. Money with them is
nothing but trash when it is to come out of the people. But is
the one great thing for which most of them are striving, and
many of them sacrifice honor, integrity, and justice to obtain
it."
137 Cong. Rec. E1530-02, 1991
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Topic: "Charity is no part of the legislative duty of the government." (Read 8029 times)